Current international interest (anything really) Essay

Current international interest (anything really) - Essay Example Armed extortion is one of the ways of making a living in Somalia. Piracy today in Somalia is a highly profitable enterprise raking in millions of dollars through ransom. It is growing at an alarming rate. According to reports about 41 ships were attacked in 2007, more than 122 were attacked in 2008 and more than 100 in 2009. The situation is grim and has become a cause for worry with reports of connection between the pirates and Islamist extremists. Most of the pirates are from Puntland, situated in northeastern Somalia and their ages range from 20 to 35.According to The East African Seafarers Association there are about five pirate gangs consisting of about 1,000 armed men. The pirates are mainly local Somali fishermen who work for themselves and are known for their skill and knowledge of the sea. Some pirates are ex-militiamen who used to fight for the local warlords. What began as small acts of piracy on small and vulnerable ships has today reached alarming proportions. From 2008 Somali pirates have attacked ships much outside the Gulf of Aden. There has been an increase in the frequency and sophistication of the attacks. The size of vessels hijacked has also increased and today large cargo ships and international oil and chemical tankers have become the new targets for the Somali pirates. The economic success of the pirates has had negative effect on local residents. The presence of armed men makes the local residents feel insecure, and the lavish spending ways of the pirates has caused great fluctuations in the local exchange rate. There are also reports that some Islamist groups have used Somali Pirates to smuggle arms. US Navys Fifth Fleet and many other countries have deployed ships to patrol the coast of Somalia and the Gulf of Aden. Egypt along with Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan and Sudan has formulated a joint strategy against piracy. But the size of the coast and the traffic of ships that goes past Somalia make it

What counts as knowledge in the arts Discuss by comparing to one other Essay

What counts as knowledge in the arts Discuss by comparing to one other area of knowledge - Essay Example Some of the theories and principles enable thinkers to reflect on what they consider their sources of knowledge. When it comes to arts, and other disciplines, say science, people have to consider and differentiate what they know, from the facts that exist. This paper will review what counts as knowledge in the arts, and compare it to another field of knowledge. In math, for example, the use of statistical data and quantitative instruments can determine what an individual requires to make knowledgeable claims. It is a manner in which human sciences are valued in present times, and as such, relies heavily on true, relevant data. In the arts, there is a difference in how information is interpreted by the user, and how it reflects as part of acquisition of knowledge (Leavy 84). For the arts, it is simply a matter of dealing with what people envision, and how relevant it is from the time it came into being, to the present time. Art is science. This is what many people may argue. For instance, historical information requires the collection of data through science. However, one begs the question; can the information collected or acquired be termed as knowledge? What does the information help an individual achieve in the long run? Some of these questions can bring out the true nature of what in science lies hidden in the art (Leavy 86). There is the underlying fact that people who look for knowledge do so through experiences throughout their lives. They could be positive or negative, and how one chooses to interpret them makes them knowledgeable on some issues. Basic science has reduced the world to a number of theories. There are ways in which information displayed. It can influence the deduction of many aspects of life that one did not know existed. Matter, for example, is an area that has many people confused. Science is supposed to act as a tool of communication in which people can understand the basic elements of their lives. It should be,

Wrongful Convictions Essay Example for Free

Wrongful Convictions Essay Causes of Wrongful Convictions There are three main causes of wrongful convictions in the United States. This leads to wrongful punishment and causes turmoil for everyone involved. It then creates multiple feelings on everyone’s behalf, therefore; leaving no choice but to choose sides. Should capital punishment be enforced or not enforced. To what extent do you believe the death penalty should be improvised? Wrongful convictions are sought out by lawyers and police to determine if a criminal is guilty. Evidence and DNA is all part of the investigation that leads to an arrest. Once evidence is presented, the jury will then deliberate on what information and the evidence that was given. A verdict will be handed down at that time. Based on what the crime is, what type of punishment is given for the crime. The first cause is based on what evidence is provided. Is it true and accurate, or presentable in court. Drug dealers, child molesters and robberies are all a major crime. These all have particular sentences in place for the crimes they commit. Murderers are looked at in a different way. Honest attorneys present all evidence and information that has been gathered for the case. This in turn could determine the conviction. DNA plays an important role in this evidence if it is acceptable . Today the accusation is the evidence. Thus, the criminal element itself has a big say in who goes to prison. Weak and fabricated evidence is seldom looked at in the eyes of the court. Approximately one case in twenty will go to trial. This effect will cause numerous criminals to walk freely as they choose. The pros are being convicted and tried for the crime and the cons are being offered a simple way out. The effects of this cause is being set free to commit another crime. There is not enough evidence to convict a criminal Plea bargaining is a second major cause of wrongful conviction. Plea bargains are created by fictional crimes in place of real ones. The prosecutors would begin to see a way to game the Wrongful Convictions 3 system back to a conviction Without plea bargaining the case goes unconvincing. This in turn undermines police investigative work. Police evidence is seldom used in the courtroom. Prosecutors have found that they can coerce a plea and elevate their conviction rate by raising the number of serious charges being thrown at a defendant. By releasing criminals known to be guilty, turns the justice system into a lottery for police, prosecutors and criminals alike. The effect of this cause is usually when the defendant gets a smaller or reduced sentence for the crime that has been committed and tried in court. Depending on the crime committed, the pros are convicted, time served and released. The cons are the criminal has enough time to plan and convey another crime. Carrying out another crime only leads to another plea deal to stay out of prison. This will continue to be a pattern of criminal acts. The effects are criminals walk with little or no punishment granted. Evidence is most generally not all that strong of a case. The third cause is the new deal made its own contribution to wrongful convictions. Statutory and enforcement authorities were combined to help regulate police vast discretions. A cooperative â€Å"offender† may get off with a civil penalty, whereas a person who sticks up for their rights may receive a criminal indictment. An asset-freeze is also associated with this new deal. Created to keep drug dealers and mobsters from returning to the neighborhood, local residents have unanimously voted to have a neighborhood watch group. Resident’s properties and or property that has been seized during the investigation will be returned after the deal has been finalized. Residents feel they are personally violated, and are living in fear that these criminals will come back repeatedly. For this cause there are pros, protecting civilians from future harm. The effect of this cause is that the cons are still out there on the streets, however; the evidence is not convincing enough to put the criminal away. These causes have put authorities such as police and attorneys on edge. Causing them to doubt the outcome of all the existing crimes that are happening. Wondering why they are taking Wrongful Convictions 4 such a risk capturing these criminals and watching them all be released back on the streets. Due to the evidence provided they should be punished to the fullest extent of the law. A jury can determine when a witness is giving false information and when they are telling the truth. Weak and fabricated evidence is often tested in court. Therefore; some criminals are wrongfully convicted. Given a plea or plea deal or even a new deal could lead to the conviction of an innocent situation In conclusion wrongful convictions are subject to many decisions. Not only by a judge or jury but by the evidence that is provided in court. Given the facts we will spend vast energies in freeing a few innocent people. We must gird for battle and restore the lost law. The law must be put back in congress where under the system it must reside forever. Giving hope to those who were wrongfully convicted and setting them free. I believe we should stick to the theory innocent until proven guilty. Evidence should be provided and proved to be legitimate before being presented to the courts. If the evidence is true and accurate there should not be any pleas or plea bargains offered. Deals should not even be allowed in a courthouse. If the information is not accurate, why waste tax payer’s money to try and convict an innocent person and send them to prison? We spend more time and money trying to convince the world that wrongful convictions are happening everywhere. As I stated earlier DNA has become a worldwide piece of evidence to link to a crime scene investigation. Wrongful convictions are being overturned as we speak. They may not be criminals but are victims in a wrongful conviction. If I am a robber have valid proof I done the robbery. If I molested a child ,again have valid proof . (DNA) If I am a murderer, then yes I should receive the death penalty. I do not deserve to live if I take another life. Then again have solid proof that I am the one who committed this crime. As I do not wish to be â€Å"Wrongfully Convicted†

The Salafi Movement In Global Context Theology Religion Essay

The Salafi Movement In Global Context Theology Religion Essay Salafism (al-Salafiyyah) is a contemporary Islamic global movement, which is concerned with a search for the pure teachings of Islam as prescribed in the Quran and the Prophet Muhammads tradition (sunnah) by rejecting any external influences and human involvement in the interpretation of religious texts. The proponents of Salafism define themselves to be the inheritors of the pre-modern Ahl al-Hadits (people of the Prophet tradition). In their view, this school of thought was the only group that remained faithful to the pure teachings of Islam as prescribed in the Quran and the Sunnah so that it was considered the saved sect. They base their claim on a hadith (the Prophet Muhammad sayings) that the Prophet Muhammad was reported to have said that there would always be a group of his people who remained committed to the truth, whom the Salafis identify as the Ahl al-Hadith (Duderija, 2011). By claiming to be the inheritors of the Ahl al-Hadith and followers of its footsteps, the propon ents of contemporary Salafi movement attempt to assert that they have privilege and take pride to be the guardians of the pure Islam in modern period. The proponents of contemporary Salafism identify themselves, and are proud to be, as salafi (plural: salafiyyin), the followers of al-salaf al-shalih(the righteous ancestors). For them, the term salaf refers to the first three Muslim generations in the early Islam, who were considered as the best Islamic generations as they were directly guided by the Prophet Muhammad and his Companions. This self-ascription is based on their belief that their understanding and practicing Islam is in complete accordance with the footsteps and methodology of the salaf (manhaj al-salaf). Abdullah ibn Baz, one of the main Salafi authorities, said that Salafi ideology is derived from the Quran, Sunnah and Consensus (ijma`) which govern the method of acquiring din [religion] and understanding the Quran and Sunnah according to the principles agreed upon by the righteous predecessors (salaf) (Cited in Duderija, 2011:54). Due to this strong emphasis on the Salaf as the only model of understanding and practic ing Islam, Salafism can be said as a movement of return to the forefather (Marshallsay, 2004). Major Authorities of the Contemporary Salafi Movement Within contemporary Salafi movement, the most influential proponents are the Middle Eastern Muslim scholars with Saudi nationality or Saudi-educated, university educated, many gained PhDs in Islamic sciences from Saudi universities. These include Nashir al-Din al-Albani (d.1999), Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz (d. 1999), Muhammad ibn Shalih al-Uthaymin (d. 2001), Muqbil ibn Hadi al-Wadii (d. 2001), Rabi ibn Hadi al-Madkhali (b. 1931), Yahya al-Hajuri, and Shalih al-Fawzan. The dominance of Saudi Arabian or Saudi-educated religious scholars (ulama) asserts the centrality of Saudi Arabia as the birth of modern Salafism. As the main representative of the Salafi movement, these ulama become major references that Salafi leaders and ordinary followers in the Muslim world turn to for guidance and advice in their lives. Outside the Middle East, leading personalities of Salafism in Western countries such as Jamal Zarabozo and Bilal Philips (Duderija, 2011) mostly become the mouthpiece of these Middle East authorities, translating their Salafi messages for the Western Salafi followers. The same is true for the leaders of the Salafi movement in Indonesia. Most of them went to Saudi and Yemen universities or Islamic religious learning institutions (mahad) to study Islamic knowledge. These include Abu Nida, Ahmad Faiz, Yusuf Baisa, Jafar Umar Thalib, Ayip Syafrudin, Luqman Baabduh and Muhammad Umar Sewed (Hasan, 2007; 2009). Compared to their locally trained Salafi proponents, these Middle East graduates commonly enjoy more authority and recognition from their followers due to their highly-esteemed learning in Mecca or Medinah, two holy cities of Islam. Yet, all of these Salafi exponents make the Saudi and Yemeni Salafi authorities as major, and to some extent, the only references in learning and preachi ng Salafi ideas among Indonesian Muslims. The Middle East Salafi authorities write treatises on Salafi ideas exclusively in Arabic. But, this is not a major barrier for Salafi followers from non-Arabic speaking countries to understand the messages of these Salafi ulama. The Salafi followers and sympathizers have attempted to translate the works of these Salafi ulama into local languages. For this purpose, in Western countries, they have established publishing houses, including Tarbiyyah Publications in Toronto, Invitation to Islam and Al-Khilafat Publications in London, and Salafi Publications and Maktabah Darussalam in Birmingham. Mobilizing the information and communication technologies, they have created websites such as www.salafipublications.com, www.tarbiyyahbookstore.com, http://sunna.com, www.salaf.com, and www.fatwa-online.com. Individual Salafi authorities websites have been also established by the Salafi supporters, such as www.binbaz.com (on the works of Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz), www.rabee.net (on the works of Rabi i bn Hadi al-Madkhali), and www.ibnothaimeen.com (on the works of Muhammad ibn al-Uthaymin) (Duderija, 2011). The Puzzle of the Origin and Meaning of Salafism For decades, there has been conviction among Western and Western-educated scholars that history of Salafism is a history of Islamic modernism; that Salafi ideas are regarded as similar to those of Islamic modernist movement; and the Salafis are representatives of Muslim modernist. It is believed that Salafism dates back to the 19th Islamic modernism, which was associated with Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (d. 1897), Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905), and Rashid Ridha (d. 1935), whose principles and ideas include rejection of taqlid (blind following), promotion of ijtihad (independent interpretation), and support of progress and rationality in its responses to the decline of the Muslim world. As Lauziere (2010) identifies, this conception can be seen in the standard academic works of Islamic thought such as Brills Encyclopedia of Islam, Malcolm Kerrs Islamic Reform (1966), M. A. Zaki Badawis The Reformers of Egypt (1978), and Daniel Browns Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic Thought (1996). Some recent studies by scholars of contemporary Islam, such as Ali Hassan Zaidi (2006) and Dumber and Tayob (2011), also connect Salafi orientations with Muslim reformists in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. However, this conception is problematic in some respects. First, there is no convincing evidence to the claim of the connection among Salafism, al-Afghani, and Abduh. According to Lauziere (2010), there are no primary sources including al-Urwat al-Wuthqa, a flagship journal of al-Afghani and Abduh, that substantially prove the claim that al-Afghani and Abduh coined the term Salafism and used it to identify themselves and their reform movement in the 19th century. It is true that Abduh mentioned the term al-Salafiyyin (the Salafis) in Al-Manar (Al-Manar 5, 1902 cited in Lauziere 2010) to designate Sunni Muslims who were against Ashariyyah, a 10th century school of speculative Islamic theology,  [1]  in terms of theological issues based on their strict adherence to the creed of the forefathers (Lauziere, 2010). But, Abduh clearly did not claim to be a Salafi nor identified his followers as Salafis. He simply referred al-Salafiyyin in the context of theological debates as Sunni Musl ims who differed from Asharites based on their strict adherence to aqidat al-salaf (the creed of the forefather) (Lauziere, 2010). Moreover, Rasyid Ridha, one of Muhammad Abduhs main disciples, recognized the fundamental differences between Salafism and Islamic modernist school, which his mentor promoted. According to Ridha, following the Salafi creed did not necessarily make one committed to Islamic modernist school. During his time, Ridha identified Salafism as Wahhabism to which he called al-Wahhabiyyah al-Salafiyyah. Later, in 1928 he and some of his disciples declared their passage to becoming Salafis not only with respect to Islamic theology but also in fiqh or Islamic jurisprudence (Lauziere, 2010). Second, the unconfirmed claim of ideological connection between contemporary Salafism and the early 20th century Islamic modernism can be seen in the issue of how each defines the term Salaf. While the two movements shared the idea of the importance of the pious ancestors, they differ in the issue of to what extent the Salaf is defined and how it should be modelled. The proponents of Islamic modernism conceived that the term Salaf includes virtually the Muslim scholars of all schools of thought in the medieval period whose success and achievements should be contextually propagated and imitated within modern Muslim contexts. The early 20th century Salafism understood the Salaf as Muslim scholars in religious science as well as in secular science of the golden age of Islam in the medieval period that should be contextually followed. In contrast, the proponents of contemporary Salafism restrict the Salaf to the first three generations in the early Islam, namely the companions of the Prophet Muhammad (al-shahabat), those after them (al-tabiin) and the next generation after them (atba`u al-tabiin). They also include religious scholars (ulama`) in the first and second centuries of Islam who were considered to adhere to the way of these first three Muslim generations, particularly Ahmad bin Hanbal and the followers of his textual school. These Salaf generations and Salafi ulama` were considered rightly guided forefathers and, hence, role models to whom Muslims are obliged to follow their ways in any circumstances. In addition, when the proponents of contemporary Salafism speak about the Salaf, they use it in its narrow religious sense. Practically, they exclude, show suspicion and hostility towards social, cultural and scientific heritage of the Muslim forefathers. In their view, the perfect method of modelling the S alaf in the contemporary Muslim societies is preserving and imitating their footsteps without contextualizing them in the present contexts. Third, the issue of the unconfirmed ideological connection between Salafism and the late 19th century Islamic modernism can be discerned in differences between them with respect to methodology and objectives. In response to the decline of the Islamic world, the Islamic modernism of al-Aghani and Abduh was committed to islah (reform) in Muslim society through promotion of itidal (moderation and balance) by which Muslims were expected to conduct conciliation between Islam and Western civilization. It encouraged the appreciation and adoption of social, political and scientific achievements of Western civilization and at the same rooted firmly in Islamic principles and civilization. In other words, al-Afghani and Abduhs Islamic modernism was a moderate approach to Islam and Western civilization in that it was able to balance between revelation and reason, and between strict Islamic conservatism and blind following of the West (Lauziere, 2010). Contemporary Salafism, in contrast, aims to revive the golden age of Islam by adhering strictly to the ways of the first three Muslim generations in the early Islam understood and practiced Islam to protect its purity from forbidden religious innovation. From this perspective, the making of the Salaf as a perfect model requires strict applying the Salaf method in social and cultural vacuum, without contextualizing their ideas and practices within present contexts of the Muslim world. Subsequently, this movement regards revealed texts as the only primary sources so that its proponents tend to be anti-rationalistic approach to revelation. The proponents of contemporary Salafism are also suspicious of anything not textually written in the scripture, taught or done by the Prophet Muhammad, his companions and religious scholars adhered to their ways. Conservatism, or even ultra conservatism, is highly represented in contemporary Salafi movement. As a result, there is no adequate evidence to claim ideological connection between the late 19th and early 20th centurys Islamic modernism and the contemporary Salafi movement. There is no support that Al-Afghani and Abduh proclaimed they were Salafis or exponents of the Salafi movement or their ideas were in accordance with contemporary Salafism. The modernist conception of Salafism substantially differs from the contemporary Salafisms understanding of the same term. Within contemporary Salafi movement, salafism is conceived first and foremost as label by Sunni purist-literalist-traditionalists to designate their particular approach to Islam. Conceptual History of Salafism Undoubtedly, the uncertainty of the origin and meaning of Salafism within modern scholarship has caused the substance of Salafism remain puzzling. Fortunately, a recent study by Henri Lauziere (2010) is helpful in solving this puzzle and gaining relative certainty in the issues of the origin and meaning of Salafism. He argues that the puzzle of the meaning and origins of Salafism is attributable to the faulty scholarship and the fact that there is little scholarly attention to the examination of the history of knowledge production of Salafism (Lauziere, 2010:369). The First Use of the Term Salafism Historically speaking, Salafism as a religious orientation is not purely a modern phenomenon. Rather, it rooted in the Islamic scholarship in pre-modern history of Islam. The early use of the term Salafism (Salafiyyah) as an approach to religious texts is found in a number of religious scholars works in the medieval period. For example, Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1238) writes in his al-Fatawa al-Kubra: As for the Salafiyya it is as [Hamd ibn Muhammad] al-Khattabi and Abu Bakr al-Khatib [al-Bagdadi] and other have stated: The way of the Salaf is to interpret literally the Quran verses and hadiths that relate to the Divine attributes (ijra ayat al-sifat wa ahadits al-sifat ala zahiriha), and without indicating modality and without attributing to Him anthropomorphic qualities. So that one is not to state that the meaning of hand is power or that of hearing is knowledge (Cited in Haykel, 2009:38). However, as Haykel (2009) and Dumbe Tayob (2011) suggest, the historical precedent of the Salafi orientations even dates back earlier to the 9th century theological and juridical debates between the Ahl al-Ray (people of opinion), which was associated with the Mutazilah,  [2]  and Ahl al-Hadith (people of the Prophet Muhammads tradition), which was related to Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 855), the inspirer of the Hanbali school of law (Hanbaliyyah).  [3]  Particularly, the early use of the term Salaf and its derivatives in this period can be traced back to the Ahl al Hadits. It is reported that Ibn Hanbal said: It has been transmitted from more than one of our ancestors (salafina) that they said the Quran is the speech of God and is uncreated, and this is what I endorse. I do not engage in speculative theology and I hold that there is nothing to be said other than what is in Gods Book (Quran), the traditions of His messenger or those of his companions and their followers- may God have mercy on them. It is not praiseworthy to engage in theological discussion in matters not contained therein (Cited in Haykel, 2009:38). These statements not only refer to the early use of the terms Salaf and Salafism within Islamic scholarship, but also points out the way of thinking that the early Salafis advocated in regard to theological issues such as the nature of the Quran as Gods messages revealed to the Prophet Muhammad. With respect to the approach to the interpretation of religious texts, the Ahl al-Ra`y represented Muslims scholars who sought explanations from personal opinions and borrowings from other cultures and intellectual traditions, while the Ahl al-Hadits sufficed themselves with literal meanings of the texts and tradition of the Prophet and his companions believed as pure and original sources of Islam. Another corresponding term, madhhab al-salaf (the school of forefathers), is found in the literature of Muslim scholars of medieval period. As Lauziere (2010:372) suggests, written sources also indicate that medieval Muslims scholars used this term primarily in the theological debates within early schools of theology in Islam. The notion of madhhab al-salaf was used to designate those who hold a theological purity in a time when early Muslims were not faced yet with speculative theology (ilm al-kalam) resulted from the encounter of Islam and other world civilizations. The proponents of madhhab al-salaf showed hostility towards Islamic speculative theology (ilm al-kalam) which was influenced by Greek inspiration and rationalism such ilm al-mantiq (syllogistic logic) and falsafah (philosophy). Contrary to Islamic theologians (mutakalimin) such as Mutazilis and Asharites, the people of the madhhab al-salaf distanced themselves from intellectualizing the divine issues, such as al asma` w al sifat (the divine names and attributes). However, the word Salafi or Salafism was not commonly used by medieval purist Muslims to refer to themselves and their approach to Islam. Instead, the common epithets used to refer to the purists at the period were not derived from the word salaf, but rather from the terms associated with the Prophet Muhammads tradition, such as Ahl al-Sunnah (people of the prophetic tradition), Ahl al-Hadist (people of prophetic sayings and sayings) or al-Atsari (the follower of the prophetic report) (Lauziere, 2010:373). The Origin of the Confusion of Salafism: Louis Massignon and the Salafyah Review A recent study by Lauziere (2010) revealed the origin of the confusion between Salafism and Islamic modernism in scholarly literature. He argues that puzzle of Salafism lies in the fact Massignon and scholars who quoted him were not aware of the complex development of the Salafi epithets within Muslim scholars in the Middle East. They simply relied on al-Majallah al-Salafiyyah, a monthly reformist journal published by Salafiyya Bookstore in Egypt -whose key role in Salafi discourses will be examined in the following section- that reached overseas including Paris. Being established in 1917, the journal was edited by Abd al-Fattah Qatlan and rendered by him into English as Salafyah Review. The journal was purported to serve as a marketing vehicle for reaching a wider readership of the Salafiyyah Bookstore. More importantly, the journal was created in the period in which the reform spirit overwhelmed the Salafiyyah Bookstore before the coming of the Saudi-Wahhabi influence on the type o f literature it published. So, in line with the reform spirit, the journal aimed to spread the achievements of the pious ancestors (al-salaf) in a wide range of scientific, cultural and intellectual fields. In line with this spirit, the content of the journal encompassed various themes such as literature, linguistics, and astronomy in addition to religious topics (Lauziere, 2010:379). It was through this journal that the term Salafism caught the attention of Western scholars (Lauziere, 2010). Louis Massignon, a well-known French orientalist and the major contributor to the leading journal Revue du monde musulman, subscribed to Arabic journals including al-Majallah al-Salafiyyah. When the first issue of the journal reached his journal office, Massignon provided explanation of the Majallah al-Salafiyyah to the readers of his journal. He said that the Salafiyyah was an intellectual movement that emerged in early 19th century India at the time of Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi (d. 1931) [and] Siddiq Hasan Khan (d. 1890), the founder of the Ahl-i Hadith movement, had later rehashed its ideas (Cited in Lauziere, 2010:380). Then, he added that from there, [the Salafiyyah] was spread by Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Syaikh Abduh and established itself in Baghdad, Damascus, Cairo and even in the Maghrib and Java (Revue du monde musulman 34, 1916-18 in Lauziere, 2010:380). But, later M assignon abolished the connection of the Salafiyyah with the 19th century Indian movement and focused more on its link with al-Afghani and Abduh. Then, he associated Salafiyyah with a relatively transnational Islamic modernism in the 19th century, whose proponents were committed to reform in Islam and Muslim societies (Lauziere, 2010). However, Massignons claim of Salafism is problematic as it raised questions with respect to conceptual and historical foundations of Salafism he based on. It is not clear how he came to this claim though it is known that he studied Islam in Baghdad and made contacts with some reform-oriented Muslim scholars like Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi. Due to this, it can be said that Massignon misinterpreted the term Salafiyyah and inadequately made Salafism and Islamic modernism of al-Afghani and Abduh synonymous (Lauziere, 2010). Nevertheless, as Lauziere (2010:381) shows, some leading scholars welcomed Massignons definition of Salafism and even took its validity for granted despite its factual limitations. The famous The New World of Islam, published in 1921, repeated this misinterpretation when made reference to Salafiyyah. In 1922, the leading journal The Moslem World published by Hartford Seminary did the same when it translated an article of Massignon from the Revue du monde musulman. This is further misinterpreted by Henri Laoust, a scholar who spread Massignons ideas in French, when in his seminal article in 1932 defined Salafism based on Massignons conception. Even influential scholar Sir Hamilton Gibb took Massignons claim of Salafism for granted in his famous Modern Trends in Islam. Hence, it is through this intellectual transmission that the term Salafism with the sense of Islamic modernist movement was created within Western scholarly literature on Islam. The Evolution of Salafism If there is no connection with al-Afghani and Abduhs Islamic modernism of the late 19th century, who first used the Salafi label as understood today? And how was it defined? As Lauziere (2010) argues, to remedy this puzzle requires considering the origin and development of the term Salafism from the perspective of conceptual history. According to Lauziere (2010, the growing popularity of Salafi epithets as well as overlap between Salafism and Islamic modernism can be attributed to a key role played by the Salafiyah Bookstore (al-Maktabat al-Salafiyyah). It was established in 1909 in Cairo by Muhib al-Din al-Khatib (1886-1969), a Syrian activist, well-known figure in the Egyptian publishing business, and pupil of Salafis-cum-modernists ulama`, Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi (d. 1914) and Tahir al-Jazairi (d. 1920). Al-Khatibs involvement in cultural and political affairs opened the opportunity to establish the bookstore aimed at spreading his interests in Islamic scholarship and reformist ideas under the label Salafiyyah (Salafism). The name Salafiyyah for the bookstore was inspired by al-Khatibs mentor, Tahir al-Jazairi, who had inclinations to the madhhab al-salaf (school of the forefathers) with respect to Islamic theology. But, it seemed that al-Khatib misinterpreted the term Salafiyyah or understood it in a broader sense than al-Jazairi meant (Lauziere, 2010). This is reflected in the way he and his partner, Abdul Fattah Qatlan (d. 1931), operated the Salafiyyah Bookstore, particularly in terms of the type of literature they published. Being motivated by desires to encourage educated Arab readers to rediscover the glory of their religious, social and cultural heritage for the advancement of their society, al-Khatib and Qatlan were not confined themselves in printing and selling books on the Salafi theology. Rather, they published works on progressive nature of Islams golden age as well as a wide range of issues not connected to religious reform. They used the Salafi epithets to refer virtually to any Islamic intellectual heritage in medieval period, not in a narrow sense of a particular school of theology. In addition to treatises on religion, the Salafiyyah Bookstore published works on Arabic literat ure, Arabic grammar, and work of medieval Muslim philosophers such al-Farabi (d.950) and Ibn Sina (d.1037). In short, the literature that the Salafiyyah Bookstore published and sold in the 1910s was in accordance with the spirit and concerns of Islamic modernism (Lauziere, 2010:378). The selection and publication of this type of literature suggest that al-Khatib and Qatlan attempted to revive the works of the great Muslim scholars and underline the Muslimss contribution to modernity in the West of modern age. Under the label Salafism, they sought to emphasize the compatibility between revelation and modernity as shown by the works of great and pious forefathers (Salaf) in the past by which Muslims in the modern age should model for the revival and advancement of the Islamic world. In turn, all this resulted in turning Salafiyyah into a common and popular term among producers and consumers of Arabic literature in the Middle East and other Muslim regions (Lauziere, 2010:382). More importantly, an impression built up that the Salafiyyah Bookstore intertwined the term Salafism with Islamic modernism projected to the revival of Arabs and Muslims in the modern period. The label Salafism it used was then considered as to represent the success and greatness of the Islami c past. The bookstore expanded the scope of the term Salafism beyond its initial theological meanings and gradually created the association between Salafism and the project of Islamic modernism (Lauziere, 2010:377). The later development of the Salafiyyah Bookstore, however, determined the association of Islamic modernism and Salafism and brought about decisive changes in the nature and development of Salafism after the establishment of the Saudi Kingdom in the early 1920s. The bookstore experienced a shift with respect to choices of works for publication. This began with the change in the choice of works for publication. In the early 1920s, al-Khatib and Qatlan began to print works that appeared contradictive to the progressive and rationalist ideas of the Islamic reform movement though they kept promoting Islamic modernism. For example, the Salafiyyah Bookstore published works of those who strongly opposed the secular and controversial works of Ali Abd al-Raziq and Taha Husayn. It also published anti-rationalist treatises by Hanbali and his school followers ordered by Saudis. This shift in the choice of publications was more clearly discernable in the establishment of the Saudi branch of the S alafiyyah Bookstore in Mecca in the late 1920 initiated by Qatlan in partnership with a Hijazi Muhammad Salih Nasif (d.1971). In 1928, to suit the local needs, this Saudi branch began to publish works on Ahmad ibn Hanbal and his supporters as well pro-Wahhabi books such a theological treatise by Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jawziyya (1292-1350), which was printed with the request and fund from Ibn Saud (d. 1932), the first monarch of Saudi Arabia (Lauziere, 2010:383). This shift within the Salafiyya Bookstores choice of publications, according to Lauziere (2010), should be seen in the context of political change in the Muslim world in the mid 1920s. The fall of the Ottoman Empire and the abolition of Islamic caliphate in the early 1920s brought about political and cultural turbulence within the Muslim world. At the same time, however, the rise of the Saudi Kingdom in Hejaz offered Muslim ummah (global Muslim community) a great hope of social and political renaissance in the Muslim world. Therefore, many Muslims intellectuals and religious scholars, including Rasyid Ridha, supported the young Saudi state and turned toward religious conservatism, particularly Wahhabism,  [4]  founded by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1792), and endorsed as an official school of Islam and promoted by the state. Al-Khatib showed the same response to these circumstances. He opted to support the young Saudi state and showed respect to the Wahhabism and its propone nts. These religio-political stances influenced the activities of his Salafiyyah Bookstore. This was reflected in the change of choices of editing and publishing when it began to publish the Wahhabi treatises and pro-Saudi works. Although Lauziere missed to capture the complexity of social and political transformation in the Muslim world in the first quarter of twentieth century, his argument was sufficient to overcome to the puzzle of Salafism by making sense of the evolution of Salafism. By publishing pro-Wahhabi works to cater the religious and political needs of the Saudi elite and proponents of Wahhabism, the Salafiyyah Bookstore brought its commercial label Salafism closer to Wahhabism. Though the Cairo Salafiyyah Bookstore still published modernist themes, the popularization and commodification of the Salafi epithets by the Saudi branch of the Salafiyyah Bookstore had brought the Wahhabi religious orientation to the fore. The unfounded intellectual association between Salafism (Salafiyyah) and al-Afghani and Abduhs Islamic reform as well as the absence of the monopoly over Salafism as a marketing brand that al-Khatib and Qatlan might have opened opportunity to the proponents of the Wahhabi-oriented pur ist movement kept using Salafiyyah as the label of their publications ignoring any modernist agenda as initiated by the original Salafi Bookstore in Cairo (Lauziere, 2010). It can be added that given that they shared the strong reference to the pious forefather (al-salaf al-shalih) with respect to theological issues with the Salafiyyah Bookstore, at least in its early years of operation, the proponents of Wahhabism had no difficulties in taking the advantage of using Salafism as their label of spreading the purist ideas of Ibn al-Wahhab. Through these religious-political processes, consequently, the Salafi epithets experienced re-definition and counter-definitions. More importantly, this gradually created the impression that the term Salafism and Wahhabism of Saudi Arabia were synonymous. The opening of the Saudi-connected Salafiyyah bookstores outside Saudi Arabia, such as in Syria and Pakistan, enforced this impression (Lauziere, 2010). Undoubtedly, this evolution of Salafism explains the state of the contemporary development of the Salafi movement with Saudi Arabia as its major supporter. Due to the fact that it is a contemporary phenomenon that assigns the epistemological value to traditions, Adis Duderija (2007:2011) labels the proponents of this contemporary Salafism as Neo-Traditional Salafis. In its later development, in the 1960s Wahhabi-inspired Salafism encountered with religious-political ideas brought by the Islamic activists who fled from their ruling governments repression and persecution found Saudi Arabia safe haven. This has to do with the Saudi Arabias policy under King Faisal (d. 1975) to support Islamic solidarity in its attempts to oppose Egypts pan-Arabism promoted by President Jamal Abdel Nasser (d. 1970), which was regarded as a threat to the existence of the kingdom (Lacroix, 2010). Among these refugees were the members of al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun (the Muslim Brotherhood), a religious-political movement that first emerged in Egypt in 1928 and then spread to the Muslim world. The political aspects of the ideology of al-Ikhwan al Muslimun encountered with the puritanical ideas of Wahhabism (Wahhabiyyah) brought about an intellectual hybrid identified as al-Sahwa al-Islamiyya (th

The Fall of Both Mubarak’s Regime and the Legal Opposition Essay

Introduction : By the end of Mubarak’s rule, the legalised political opposition in Egypt was already a mirror to the regime it was presumed to challenge: discreditable, central, aging and undemocratic. Systematic state repression and internal divisions fragmented the opposition and deviated it from the role assumed by its counterparts in liberal democracies. Instead of competitive interaction with the regime, the legal opposition stationed itself as an integral part of the authoritarian polity. Years of regime-opposition dynamics ended with the latter’s alignment with the regime and becoming more of a domesticated opposition. This clientelist relationship was necessary for the survival of the semi-authoritarian regime. It enabled it to claim legitimacy by presenting cosmetic democracy/pluralism measures while at the same time keeping the dominance of its ruling party. It also lured the weak fragmented legalised opposition into competing to gain the regime’s support. Overview: Egypt moved from full-scale authoritarianism under Nasser to liberalized autocracy under Sadat and Mubarak. During its early rule in the 1980s, Mubarak’s regime showed relative political tolerance and moderation (stacher 2004), giving hope to legal opposition that the break up of the single-party system was the beginning of a transition phase that will lead to democratization and the possibility to compete on even terms with the ruling NDP. During this period it was the Neo-Wafd which had the most comprehensive organizational capacities and was designated to lead the legalized opposition camp from which Islamist movements were excluded (Shehata, 2009). However, those expectations proved to be naive as the regime soon made clear that it was not inte... ...e, E. (1998), More than a Response to Islamism: The Political Deliberalization of Egypt in the 1990s’ Middle East Journal, Vol. 52, No. 2, p. 219. 3- Stacher, J. (2004), Parties Over: The Demise of Egypt’s Opposition Parties , British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, pp 215–23. 4- Albrecht, H. (2005) How can opposition support authoritarianism? Lessons from Egypt, Democratization, pp 378-397. 5- Shehata, D. (2009), Islamists and Secularists in Egypt: Opposition, Conflict & Cooperation, London, Routledge. 6- Arafat, A. (2009), The Mubarak Leadership and Future of Democracy in Egypt, New York, Palgrave Macmillan. 7- Kassem, M. (2004), Egyptian Politics: The Dynamics of Authoritarian Rule, Colorado, Lynne Rienner publishers. 8- Kienle, E. (1998), More than a Response to Islamism: The Political Deliberalization of Egypt, Middle East Journal, Vol. 52, p. 219.

Psychotherapy Essay -- Psychology, Empirically Validated Treatments

I believe that the art of psychotherapy is more important than the use of empirically validated treatments (EVT). I feel that the art of psychotherapy exists through the use of the common factors, which include the therapeutic relationship, client and therapist factors (e.g., personality), helping clients deal with problems, and hope or expectancy factors (Reisner, 2005). Although I do believe that empirically validated treatments may enhance the therapeutic process, the treatments themselves are by no means the most important or fundamental aspects of therapy. I agree with the idea presented by Allen (2008) that scientific knowledge is important, but it is not sufficient for the successful outcomes in psychotherapy. There appears, at least to me, to be much more of an art involved in developing the relationship with the client and understanding the client’s perspective, and if this cannot be done successfully then it is unlikely that individualized techniques could be success fully applied. Managed care has not completely eradicated the art of psychotherapy; however, as more research reveals EVTs are effective on more disorders, the use of the art of psychotherapy will likely decline. This would occur due to managed care’s preferences for the use of EVT, since there is evidence that they likely work quickly, saving time and money (Cukrowicz et al., 2005). In order to receive reimbursement and compete with psychopharmacology, there is a growing necessity for the reliance on empirically validated therapy (Reisner, 2005). However, certain artful tactics involved in psychotherapy will never be entirely removed, such as the development of a therapeutic relationship (Allen, 2008). With the rise of EVT, there is a possibility that mana... ... generally equal in how effective they are, but generally, it is the common factors across therapies that account for the most improvement in clients, not the specific techniques or treatments that are used (Reisner, 2005). Psychotherapy is arguably an art that cannot be conducted without some sense or understanding of life, meaning, and relationship issues that cannot be learned from science alone (Allen, 2008). Ideally, therapy should involve both science (empirically validated treatments) and art by combining the therapeutic relationship and knowledge of the client’s needs with the proper treatment techniques. Overall, I do not feel that manualized treatments will ever completely replace the art of psychotherapy; however, it is likely that the combination of manualized treatments and the art of psychotherapy will lead to more successful therapeutic outcomes.

Reaction Paper to Common Schools Essay

When I first started watching this video, I thought that it was just going to be another boring homework assignment like in all my other classes. To my surprise, the video actually wasn’t boring at all. I enjoyed watching it and would recommend it to anyone to watch. I enjoy informative videos and documentaries. What stands out in my mind about the video is how God was actually brought up and taught in the schools back then. The children were given the book The Primer and the hornbook which had a prayer in it. It’s crazy how much has changed since that time. Now in many schools when the Pledge of Allegiance is said, people will leave out â€Å"under God† because nobody wants to offend anybody who doesn’t believe in God. Even now when I look back at my elementary days, times have changed quite a bit. I remember when my teachers would have the class pray before we would go to eat lunch. As I child, I never thought that it was a bad thing to do. If anything, it would make children feel a little more appreciative of what they have instead of what they do not have. There was also times around Christmas and Easter when we would do projects that would involve God but nobody would ever make a big deal about it. Recently I have gone back and observed in a few classrooms in my hometown and it is totally different. Teachers don’t mention religion at all. Children don’t even say the Pledge of Allegiance and if children have a conversation about religion amongst themselves, the teacher has them stop talking about it. As a child that had religion in school, I feel grateful I was able to have that. Some children don’t have parents that take them to church or have anything to do with it and that little bit of prayer in school was the only thing they had. That gives children a sense of comfort that there is a higher power that is on their side. As a future educator, I feel like I know the boundaries as to where to draw the line with religion and school. I know not to be pushy or make any students feel uncomfortable about religion when they don’t believe the same way as someone else.